尊敬的各位领导老师老师，亲爱的同学们，
大家好!今天我演讲的题目是：月圆人团圆——中秋情思 。
在这金秋送爽的九月，我们又将迎来一年一度的中秋佳节，又将欣赏到皓月当空的美景。当我们仰望苍穹时，脑海中定会浮现起那优美的诗句：“人有悲欢离合，月有阴晴圆缺，此事古难全”是啊，人生有诸多事情难以两全，多少在外求学和工作的人们，为了自己的理想，此时不能回到亲人身边。诗人王维曾说过，“每逢佳节倍思亲”，我想在座的各位一定也是如此吧。但是我们却有了一个温馨美好的大家庭——四中队。因为有了这样的依托，中秋的夜晚似乎格外美好：星光灿烂，群星会聚，把整个蓝天衬托得更加的清爽，更加的明亮。
中秋如期而至，月上中天时，最难忘怀的还是那几句：“海上生明月，天涯共此时“;“露从今夜白，月是故乡明“;“江畔何人初见月，江月何年初照人“;“但愿人长久，千共婵里娟”。正是因为有了这样剪不断、理还乱的情结，中秋时，每当看到一轮圆月挂上了天空，不由的就会想到远方的亲人，不由得想到自己“独在异乡为异客“而变得感伤。原以为家乡亲友的问候最是暖人心怀，遥在他乡的你也该连线父母，道声平安，一诉乡思。而此时此刻我却感受到老师同学的一句关怀，一声问候最是暖人心扉的，所以我们在这样的一个大家庭中生活便是赏心乐事啊。良辰美景，赏心乐事四美齐聚，天底下还有比这更让人畅怀的吗?
而此刻不只是思乡的时刻，团聚的时刻：更是收获的时刻，分享的时刻。秋，没有春的清新绚丽，没有下的热情高奔放，亦没有冬的晶莹洁白，它有的只是沉静内敛，稳妥踏实。希望我们都能在春天播下梦想的种子，在夏天灌溉梦想的花朵，到秋天收获梦想的果实。春因繁花而美丽，秋因收获而充实，我们也要在人生最美好的时光里播种、耕耘、收获。
海上升明月，天涯共此!最后祝大家中秋快乐，花好月圆人团圆!
谢谢大家，我的演讲结束。
尊敬的老师、亲爱的同学们：
大家好!我演讲的题目是《梦想在绽放》
梦想象征着光明、希望和威力。从普罗米修斯盗圣火拯救人类，到阿拉丁神灯实现人的愿望，再到宝莲灯赋予人以力量，这些神话充分说明了梦想这盏明灯时时指引着人类前进的脚步。正因为心怀梦想，我们的先辈才历尽坎坷艰难却不停止前行的脚步;正因为心怀梦想，我们的祖国才历尽沧桑却依然信心不改。
当鸦片战争击破“天朝上国”的迷梦时;当日本侵略者扬言三个月灭亡中国时;当南京大屠杀无数生命被无情践踏时，无数的仁人志士心中就怀着一个梦想，一个民族复兴的梦想。中国梦的种子就已悄然种在祖国母亲这块伤痕累累、贫瘠荒芜的土地上。
170多年来，无数中华儿女就执着于这个梦，为民族复兴而上下求索。孙中山领导中华人民推翻了统治中国20xx多年的封建制度;八年抗日战争中无数先烈用鲜血染红了五星红旗。一路艰辛终于换来了歌声飘扬，当无与伦比的奥运会在北京完美落幕时;当天宫一号、嫦娥一号在太空自由翱翔时;当我们的航母已经下水起航时，几代人为中华复兴而奋斗，把自己熔铸于中国百余年沧桑的历史图景中，令人感慨，催人奋进。
20xx年姚明在退役发布会上感言：“感谢这个伟大进步的时代，使我有机会去实现自己的梦想和价值。”当然，我们每个人未必都像姚明那样尽情绽放了自己的梦想，但也都或多或少的实现着自己的梦想。尽管我们的梦想实现的未必尽如人意，有的还在抱怨，学习不够好，工作不够顺利，家庭不够富裕。但与自己的过去相比，梦想的旅程都早已离开原点，梦想的花朵已然开始绽放。也许，执着于自己的梦想久了，我们可能忘了梦想成长的土壤。也许，有的人会说，自己梦想的实现得益于自己的奋斗，这个时代、我们的国家并没有为我们做什么。然而，百余年前的中国人不敢有梦，百余年后的我们都有自己的梦，期间的差别就在于“中国梦”正在一步步实现。
it is wrong, i suggest, it is a misreading of the constitution for any member here to assert that for a member to vote for an article of impeachment means that that member must be convinced that the president should be removed from office. the constitution doesn't say that. the powers relating to impeachment are an essential check in the hands of the body of the legislature against and upon the encroachments of the executive. the division between the two branches of the legislature, the house and the senate, assigning to the one the right to accuse and to the other the right to judge, the framers of this constitution were very astute. they did not make the accusers and the judgers -- and the judges the same person.
we know the nature of impeachment. we've been talking about it awhile now. it is chiefly designed for the president and his high ministers to somehow be called into account. it is designed to "bridle" the executive if he engages in excesses. "it is designed as a method of national inquest into the conduct of public men."² the framers confided in the congress the power if need be, to remove the president in order to strike a delicate balance between a president swollen with power and grown tyrannical, and preservation of the independence of the executive.
the nature of impeachment: a narrowly channeled exception to the separation-of-powers maxim. the federal convention of 1787 said that. it limited impeachment to high crimes and misdemeanors and discounted and opposed the term "maladministration." "it is to be used only for great misdemeanors," so it was said in the north carolina ratification convention. and in the virginia ratification convention: "we do not trust our liberty to a particular branch. we need one branch to check the other."
"no one need be afraid" -- the north carolina ratification convention -- "no one need be afraid that officers who commit oppression will pass with immunity." "prosecutions of impeachments will seldom fail to agitate the passions of the whole community," said hamilton in the federalist papers, number 65. "we divide into parties more or less friendly or inimical to the accused."³ i do not mean political parties in that sense.